Written by Juraj Šebo
Karl Marx, a philosopher, economist, revolutionary, and the principal theorist of communist ideology, was financially supported by Friedrich Engels, a capitalist and philanthropist. Both believed the world was deeply flawed and sought to create a fairer society. In 1848, they wrote The Communist Manifesto, the ideological foundation of a new social order where everything would belong to everyone, and people would work according to their abilities and receive according to their needs. The biggest challenge, however, was determining what needs were and who “everyone” was.
Their ideas were brought to life by Vladimir I. Lenin, a law student radicalized by his brother’s execution for planning an assassination attempt on the Tsar. In 1917, Lenin orchestrated the first successful socio-economic coup in Tsarist Russia, establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat. Yet, as with most complex endeavors, implementing communism in Russia didn’t go smoothly. Lenin deemed “yesterday’s people”—those resistant to the vision of the “new man” living in communism—necessary to remove from society.
When Lenin died in 1924, newspapers eulogized him with grand praise:
“Never in the history of the proletariat’s great liberation movement has there been such a monumental figure as our late leader, teacher, and friend. Everything noble and heroic in the proletariat—an iron will, sacred hatred of oppression, and revolutionary energy that moves mountains—was embodied in Lenin, whose name became a symbol of the new world from West to East, North to South. His death tightens our ranks as we march against capitalism, unstoppable in our victory.”
Lenin’s successor, Joseph V. Stalin (born Dzhugashvili, a Georgian), quickly realized that building communism required neutralizing all dissent. He established labor camps, known as gulags, and sought to expand communism globally, aiming for its ultimate triumph. Following the Soviet Union’s victory in World War II, Stalin, with the help of the Allies, defeated Nazi Germany. Countries liberated by the Red Army fell under Stalin’s control and embarked on the path of communism. This fate befell Czechoslovakia for 41 years.
Stalin’s death in 1953 brought significant changes. In 1956, Nikita S. Khrushchev, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, denounced Stalin’s cult of personality. For a brief moment, it seemed like better times were ahead, as the once-revered leader was exposed as a criminal.
Khrushchev sought to surpass capitalism, launching the space race, arms race, and sports competitions. Known for his crude demeanor, he famously banged his shoe on the podium during a United Nations speech to emphasize his arguments. However, both the Soviet Politburo and ordinary citizens realized he was not fit for the role. Forced into retirement in 1964 with a generous pension and official car, he was succeeded by neo-Stalinist Leonid I. Brezhnev.
Brezhnev escalated military production, exported communism to other countries, and introduced the Brezhnev Doctrine, which ensured the protection of Soviet satellite states from “reactionary forces.” In August 1968, Czechoslovakia felt the full force of this doctrine when Warsaw Pact armies invaded to suppress ongoing reforms and societal renewal.
Relief came in the mid-1980s with Mikhail S. Gorbachev, a progressive-thinking General Secretary of the Communist Party. He introduced policies of glasnost (openness and greater freedom of speech) and perestroika (economic restructuring). These reforms initiated a gradual collapse of socialist regimes worldwide, ultimately leading to the return of democracy.
After the defeat of Nazi Germany, communism began to take root in the countries liberated by the Red Army. In Czechoslovakia, this process culminated in 1948 when the communists took power, launching an experiment to transform society under Marxist-Leninist ideology. The nationalization of factories eliminated private ownership, while collectivization dissolved individual farming. This led to the gradual industrialization of Slovakia and the implementation of centralized five-year plans.
In 1950, the establishment of Unified Agricultural Cooperatives (JRD) began, known as collectivization. This process transformed private agriculture into collective farming, often through coercion. Farmers were pressured to join cooperatives under threat of reprisal, with fear driving many to comply. Inspired by Stalin’s methods, the 1950s saw political trials, persecution, and executions of regime opponents. Fear and repression fostered societal obedience, while attempts to escape the regime were met with harsh consequences, including border fortifications and state surveillance.
The early 1960s saw a slight relaxation under President Antonín Novotný, though opportunities like foreign travel remained limited. Propaganda flourished, promoting slogans, competitions, and centrally planned economic initiatives. Despite this, shortages of goods led to widespread dissatisfaction and the rise of a black market economy.
In 1968, the Prague Spring emerged as an effort to reform communism, led by Slovak Alexander Dubček. Censorship was lifted, public gatherings increased, and religious freedoms expanded. However, this liberalization was short-lived, as Soviet forces invaded on August 21, 1968, under the Brezhnev Doctrine, quashing the reform movement and imposing two more decades of occupation.
The 1970s ushered in a period of normalization, purging opposition within the Communist Party and enforcing ideological conformity. Many emigrated, while others resigned themselves to a life of disillusionment. In 1977, the Charter 77 movement called for the government to honor its commitments to civil and political rights under the Helsinki Accords. Despite state repression, including job losses and restricted opportunities for dissenters, the number of Charter 77 signatories grew, establishing it as a focal point for opposition.
By 1988, demonstrations for religious freedoms, such as the Candle Demonstration in Bratislava, gained momentum. In 1989, a series of mass protests culminated in a student march on November 17, marking the start of the Velvet Revolution. This peaceful uprising led to the end of the communist regime, as the Communist Party voluntarily relinquished power, paving the way for democracy and capitalism in Czechoslovakia.
The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ)
Every five years, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) held congresses, convened by the Central Committee of the KSČ (the highest authority between congresses, meeting 4–5 times annually). During these congresses, party leaders determined the direction of society’s development for the next five years. Votes were usually unanimous. The resolutions of the congresses were presented to citizens as the pathway to a brighter future. However, in everyday reality—despite the promises of a better tomorrow—citizens often stood in long queues outside stores, waiting for bananas, mandarins, coconut flour, potatoes, or even toilet paper.
The party operated nationwide through its regional and district committees and local organizations. Beyond this territorial presence, it was active in basic organizations within factories, schools, and institutions, primarily through meetings, personnel evaluations, developing work procedures, and approving foreign travel.
The party issued personal evaluations (known as “cadre assessments”) for everyone, assessing their work performance and political behavior. These assessments included information about a person’s class origins, work ethic, political engagement, attitude toward socialism, religious views, and relatives living abroad. These evaluations were updated annually, and much of an individual’s career progression depended on their content.
Membership in the KSČ was a critical criterion for evaluating individuals. It facilitated career advancement, expanded educational opportunities, allowed for foreign travel, and even made it easier to obtain company housing. Relatives who had illegally left the country were always marked negatively in cadre assessments. To hold leadership positions in the economy, one had to be a party member, regularly attend party training sessions, and fulfill party-assigned tasks. Those on this path began as “sparks,” then became “pioneers” and students. Upon reaching eighteen, they were drafted into the army to defend the socialist homeland, and if they proved themselves, they could apply for party membership.
As the economy’s performance declined, the party attempted to boost morale and productivity. However, mandatory participation in various political events, training sessions, and meetings during working hours undermined efficiency. Often, more time was spent on meetings and celebrations than on actual work.
The education system actively supported the indoctrination of communism through participation in organizations. In elementary schools, children became “sparks,” later “pioneers” in middle school, and finally members of the “Union of Youth” in high school, before becoming eligible for Communist Party membership.
Children aged 6 to 8 belonged to the “spark” group, wearing badges and white shirts. Pioneers, aged 8 to 15, wore white shirts with pioneer badges and red scarves tied around their necks. Boys donned light blue trousers with belts featuring a metal buckle with the pioneer emblem, while girls wore light blue skirts. School activities included regular class pioneer meetings and events such as museum visits, trips to castles, exhibitions, and memorials to World War II victims.
“Spark” Pledge: “My beautiful homeland, I promise you on this day that I, your bright spark, will grow to bring you glory.”
The pledge was supported by five “spark laws”:
For pioneers, schools organized extracurricular clubs (technical, natural science, reading, artistic, and sports). Pioneer activities included brigades, making bulletin boards, collecting recyclables, cleaning up neighborhoods, and other similar tasks.
Pioneer Pledge: “I promise before my comrades to work, learn, and live according to the laws of the pioneers, to be a good citizen of my beloved homeland, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, and to honor the Pioneers’ Organization of the Union of Youth with my actions.”
Pioneer Laws:
Pioneer Camps: “Pioneer camps” or “pioneerák” were an inseparable part of summer holidays. Most children eagerly awaited them. Although camping under leaky tents wasn’t always enjoyable, children often made the most of the experience. For many adolescents, the camps provided opportunities for their first romantic or emotional experiences. The day began with a ceremonial morning roll call ending with the motto: “Be ready to build and defend the socialist homeland!” answered by a collective “Always ready!”
The dream of many pioneers was to spend summer at the renowned Soviet pioneer camp Artek in Crimea or its Czech counterpart in Benešov. Selection for these prestigious camps often depended on the political influence of the parents.
Higher Education: Secondary and higher education aimed to cultivate a workforce aligned with Marxist-Leninist ideology. Academic performance, social class, and family political affiliations played a crucial role in admission decisions. Education included subjects like Russian language and propaganda courses, such as “Political Economy of Socialism,” “History of the International Workers’ Movement,” and “Marxism-Leninism.”
The Evening University of Marxism-Leninism: The “Evening University of Marxism-Leninism” (VUML), mockingly called “The School for Career Preservation,” was a common path to enhance one’s political profile. Attendees ranged from directors and police officers to university professors and workers. After three years of lectures and independent study, graduates were deemed more suitable citizens. Participation in the VUML was beneficial for gaining influential contacts and improving one’s career trajectory.
Social Hierarchies and Daily Life: Workers in collective farms (JRD) and “working intelligentsia” formed the backbone of the socialist society. While intellectuals were often viewed negatively, labor-intensive professions like miners, steelworkers, and tractor drivers were celebrated. The elite political class (“verchuška”) held significant influence.
Despite societal challenges, ordinary people lived their daily lives. A distinct group with connections in the right places could bypass many obstacles. Diplomatic shops, accessible to officials, offered goods at lower prices, while ordinary citizens struggled to find basic necessities.
Bribery and Gratitude: Bribery reflected the times and was often modest. Coffee, which was sometimes hard to find in stores, became a standard “gift” to ensure service. Informal payments, tips, and tokens of appreciation were common, even in barbershops where a sign might read, “Thank you for not insulting us with a tip,” humorously amended to “Thank you for not insulting us with a small tip.”
Friendship with the Soviet Union was a central theme of daily life, modeled after Soviet practices and framed as a defense of peace. An organization, the Union of Czechoslovak-Soviet Friendship, was established to deepen this bond. Its purpose was to popularize Soviet science and culture and organize celebrations for the Month of Czechoslovak-Soviet Friendship. A significant demonstration of this friendship occurred in 1978 with the joint space mission of cosmonauts Vladimír Remek and Alexei Gubarev under the Interkosmos program. Vladimír Remek became the first astronaut from a country outside the Soviet Union or the United States.
The term “international, brotherly assistance” was often used.
Kissing among communist politicians was a widely recognized form of greeting, often sparking amusement among the public. Emulating Soviet customs, passionate kisses on the mouth were commonplace. One of the most famous kisses in history occurred between Leonid Brezhnev and Erich Honecker, often humorously described as a “French kiss.” Brezhnev, with his warm Russian spirit, greeted politicians in this manner wherever he went. Even Dubček experienced Brezhnev’s fervent embrace in May 1968.
Economic Coordination under COMECON
In 1949, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) was formed to coordinate trade among socialist countries. Each member was expected to specialize in a specific sector: the Soviet Union supplied raw materials, Czechoslovakia focused on engineering products, and East Germany contributed chemicals, among others. However, this vision often failed in practice. To avoid importing components from capitalist countries using foreign currency, Czechoslovakia was compelled to produce a broad range of products domestically.
Due to the inefficiencies of central planning in estimating citizens’ needs and scheduling production, some products existed in only one or a few variations. However, many items were of high technical quality, often meeting global standards, and remain functional even today. Clothing was genuinely made from cotton, scarves from silk, shoes from leather, and furniture from wood. Milk, soda, and beer came in glass bottles. Restaurants served no fast food, and stores rarely offered harmful foods, plastic bags, or subpar toys or detergents. Meat products, notably, were made of actual meat.
In the interest of peace, the government paradoxically emphasized strengthening defensive capabilities, improving military training, bolstering moral and political strength, and modernizing military technology. Under socialism, a 200,000-strong army operated across dozens of military units and 16 training centers. The army was part of the first operational echelon of the Warsaw Pact due to Czechoslovakia’s strategic location, bordering West Germany, where NATO forces were stationed.
The police, then called Public Security (VB), operated visibly in cars marked with the initials “VB” (sarcastically interpreted as “Enter Sideways”). Officers spent relatively little time in public, focusing instead on administrative work. Traffic was managed from intersections. Police officers were often the subject of jokes, with some claiming that if one was rejected three times as a chimney sweep, they could still join the police force.
Auxiliary Public Security guards (PS VB), unpaid volunteers who assisted in their free time, often acted as informants. These individuals were sometimes local bullies whose behavior was overlooked due to their connections with police officers.
State Security (ŠtB) was the secret police branch of the Ministry of Interior in postwar Czechoslovakia, tasked with protecting the regime from internal enemies. Its plainclothes officers, nicknamed “eštebáci,” were once influential figures but are now remembered pejoratively. The ŠtB maintained a large network of secret collaborators who gathered intelligence to prevent activities deemed “anti-socialist.” Their methods of intimidation included barring individuals from studying, expelling them from schools, removing them from jobs, blocking career advancements, and denying permission to travel abroad.
Supplementing the military was an armed unit tasked with protecting socialist property: the People’s Militia, often called the “armed fist of the working class.” The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia created these militias ostensibly to defend factories from reactionary bourgeois forces in February 1948. Over time, the militia primarily served to protect the Communist Party itself for more than 40 years.
Until 1990, compulsory military service in Czechoslovakia lasted two years. Every male citizen over 18 deemed fit for duty by the draft commission was required to serve. The first six months of service were particularly challenging, involving endless chores, duties, and instances of hazing. New recruits (called “rookies” or “bažanti”) endured initiation rituals such as beatings with military belts before earning their place as more senior soldiers (“mazáci”). Unfortunately, hazing would then continue with incoming recruits.
For young men, the two-year service was often viewed as a waste of time. The military lifestyle of war drills, shooting, explosions, songs, medals, and uniforms rarely appealed to youth. Few were enthusiastic about the collective service or its simplistic mottoes, such as “A boy today, a man tomorrow.” Young men fell into two camps: those who eagerly anticipated military service, often playing with wooden rifles as children, and those who heard warnings like, “Just wait, the army will teach you.”
Three options existed for avoiding military service:
Many sought to “cultivate” or maintain illnesses to secure a “blue book,” a document exempting them from compulsory military service.
Today, we are inundated with billboards that often disrupt our daily lives. Similarly, in the past, slogans were everywhere. Propaganda glorified socialism, the Soviet Union, state leaders, and communism while criticizing capitalism. These “eternal messages” were as common as grains of sand. Newspapers overflowed with articles promising bright tomorrows, and schools praised children whose parents—such as crane operators or concrete workers—exceeded their work quotas by 120%.
Some slogans evoke smiles today, and though people didn’t necessarily believe in their messages, they are worth remembering (sometimes with the authentic additions of folk creativity):
Slogans were also tied to specific occasions, such as May Day, the October Revolution anniversary, or elections. Party newspaper Pravda often included lists of these slogans.
May Day, the workers’ holiday, originated in the Soviet Union as a response to the Chicago labor protests for an eight-hour workday. In Czechoslovakia, it was a day of celebrations filled with waving flags, chanting slogans, speeches, food, and lively music. Among the banners proclaiming “Electrovod Workers Greet Workers Across Slovakia,” a cheeky one appeared reading, “Students from Bratislava Greet Female Students from Piešťany.” The parade always ended with representatives of equestrian clubs on horseback, followed by the city sanitation services, who cleaned the streets.
Every month celebrated something:
For example, during the Month of Respect for the Elderly, senior citizens were invited to cultural centers where they received sandwiches, mineral water, and occasionally a towel, if funds allowed. The Month of Hunting involved rabbit hunts in the fields.
The regime promoted the concept of the “new man,” redefining the idea of a hero. The title Hero of Socialist Labor was awarded to those who not only pursued hobbies but also increased workplace productivity. Campaigns such as the Saratov Movement, Zlobin’s Challenge, Štajman’s Calf Rearing, and Stakhanov’s Challenge aimed to inspire workers toward greater efficiency.
Every five years, to commemorate the liberation of Czechoslovakia by the Red Army, the Spartakiad was held to celebrate the “physical perfection of our people” through large-scale gymnastics displays and other mass performances. Preparation for the Spartakiad was a mix of voluntary and mandatory participation, lasting 2 to 3 years. The event began with regional performances at the district level and culminated in a national display at Prague’s Strahov Stadium—the largest stadium in the world, with a capacity of nearly a quarter million spectators.
Participants wore uniform outfits for these events. Boys wore white shirts and red shorts (often loose-fitting, necessitating tight undergarments for many), while girls donned blue shorts with a back pocket and canvas shoes with rubber straps across the instep (called jarmilky). The uniforms served to distinguish between genders, and all participants moved in perfect synchronization, dressed identically.
In city-level Spartakiads, participants would often perform barefoot on grassy fields, presenting morning routines for senior citizens. Despite the formal nature of these events, they were also a source of fun and amusement for many participants.
The Spartakiad also carried a certain sexual undertone. Participants from various workplaces, women, girls, and soldiers were practically required to strip down to their undergarments and showcase themselves in front of others. These events often led to romantic connections, with many couples meeting during Spartakiads. Jokingly referred to as a “mass center for assisted reproduction,” the Spartakiad became symbolic of the baby boom of the 1970s.
The national Spartakiad was broadcast live, with commentary by the popular sports broadcaster Gabo Zelenay, who poetically described the choreography as “a blossoming flower.” Interestingly, the Spartakiad was canceled in 1970. The government feared that so soon after the 1968 occupation, such a mass gathering could turn into an anti-regime demonstration.
The Spartakiad remains a unique cultural and historical phenomenon, reflecting both the discipline and the underlying tensions of the socialist era. Let me know if you’d like further refinements or additional context!
During socialism, the construction of housing estates expanded at a remarkable pace. Known as the era of “crane urbanism,” concrete apartment blocks, or paneláky, sprang up one after another. Architectural design was seen as unnecessary, and the ideal construction sites were areas without major obstacles—typically outskirts of cities cleared of remnants of rural settlements. These apartment blocks attracted not only residents from dilapidated urban centers but also young people from the countryside, drawn to the allure of city life.
The dominance of these new housing estates over traditional architecture resulted in a sense of alienation among newcomers and a loss of cultural continuity in cities. The starkness and uniformity of the paneláky reflected the egalitarian spirit of the time. A typical apartment consisted of three rooms and a balcony. Interiors featured East German wallpapers, a massive furniture wall with a built-in bookshelf, a Soviet television, and decorations like reproductions of Van Gogh’s Sunflowers or Ilya Repin’s Barge Haulers on the Volga. Bathrooms were outfitted with Živé kvety (Living Flowers) perfume, and shelves displayed household items meant to impress, such as lacquered wood carvings, souvenirs from castles, and crystal glassware.
Furniture options were so limited that a common joke emerged: after waking up in any living room following a party or romantic escapade, one might immediately feel at home due to the identical decor.
Life in paneláky meant a significant loss of privacy, as thin walls and shared infrastructure allowed neighbors to know more about each other than was desirable. Sounds and smells traveled freely through plumbing, waste pipes, and gas vents. Privacy was further disrupted by the constant noise of renovations, as new residents modified their apartments to suit their needs. Drilling with impact drills, often borrowed from workplaces due to their scarcity in the market, became commonplace. Skilled workers could even make extra money by drilling holes for neighbors, charging up to 5 korunas per hole. Those lucky enough could acquire Soviet-made drills in exchange for Western jeans.
Obtaining a state apartment was no easy task. Even joining the waiting list required effort, and the process could take up to 20 years. Some parents would apply for an apartment on behalf of their newborn child. The allocation of an apartment was based on factors such as the applicant’s current living conditions and the number of children. Many young couples moved into cramped apartments with their parents, raising children under challenging circumstances, before finally being eligible for their own apartment after years of waiting. Those less fortunate often lived with their parents for their entire lives.
Self-reliance in home improvement was a necessity during socialism, as stores lacked goods and professional services were expensive. The planned economy couldn’t meet demand, so people repaired appliances, built furniture, and created decorative items themselves. Many even built entire homes independently. For some, DIY projects offered an escape from household chores. Books on home improvement held places of honor in libraries, alongside the Bible and Marx’s Das Kapital.
Vacations at self-built cottages became a popular leisure activity, symbolizing a new lifestyle. People poured their energy into gardens, cottages, and DIY projects, escaping the monotony of work. After the TV series Chalupári aired in the mid-1970s, there was a surge in the renovation of traditional rural homes. These weekend retreats often mirrored the atmosphere of the housing estates people were trying to leave behind. By 1970, around 190,000 Czechoslovak households had a second residence like this.
Building a cottage required hard work. Families spent weekends laboring on construction sites: fathers helped with masonry, mothers cooked for everyone, and children assisted or played nearby. Unfortunately, by the time these cottages were finished, many children had grown into teenagers and no longer wanted to spend time there with their parents.
Education in families began from an early age. A widespread and affordable network of nurseries and kindergartens provided care for children during parents’ working hours. Parents typically returned home by 3:30 PM, leaving them enough time to focus on their families, DIY projects, or hobbies. After school, children would toss their schoolbags into the hallway and rush outside to play hockey, football, or ride homemade go-karts. Streets were safe, and parents simply called their children back home from the windows.
A 1988 student handbook featured the following motto on its first page:
**”Dear students,
You attend school to prepare yourselves well for life and future work. We want you to grow into educated and cultured individuals, to be honest, hardworking, and physically and mentally fit. We want you to love your country, the Communist Party, and the great community of socialist nations led by the Soviet Union.
Your upbringing is the joint responsibility of your parents, the school, the Pioneer organization, and the Socialist Youth Union. Your behavior is observed, and your education is of interest to the entire society. However, the most important factor is you. It is up to you to want to study conscientiously and behave properly.”**
At school, students sat with their hands behind their backs and stood up to greet the teacher upon entry, saying, “Glory to work, comrade teacher!” Discipline and a spirit of competition defined the classroom environment. Students competed in activities like collecting paper, demonstrating physical fitness, or reciting poems, such as:
“Do not worry, we are not alone.
Tomorrow, we will be more than today.
By our house, behind the fields,
is the Soviet Union!”
During the communist era, youth and children were engaged in the Pioneer organization, which replaced scouting. Pioneers met at regular gatherings, wearing their characteristic red scarves and belts inscribed with “Always Prepared.” The Pioneer ethos demanded constant vigilance, modeled after Soviet pioneers.
Idolized examples included Pavlik Morozov, a boy said to have denounced his own father as a kulak, contributing to the Soviet collectivization effort, or Timur, the protagonist of the book Timur and His Squad, who helped families affected by the war. These stories served as idealized examples of loyalty, sacrifice, and community service.
Unemployment in the socialist era was effectively nonexistent—everyone was required to work by law. Those who didn’t were labeled as “parasites” and faced imprisonment for up to three years (or 18 months for a first offense). Police monitored citizens during working hours, and anyone seen in civilian clothes was recorded in an officer’s notebook. Visits to doctors or shifts starting later in the day were carefully verified. Some inventive individuals even spent their free time wearing overalls to avoid suspicion.
Despite the mandatory nature of employment and seemingly abundant jobs, workplaces often faced a lack of actual productivity. The phrase “There are no people” became a common excuse for unfulfilled plans. This wasn’t due to a lack of workers but rather poor work ethics, inefficiency, and an overgrown administrative apparatus. Universities produced graduates (often without practical experience), but many jobs, especially in production, remained unfilled.
Workplaces regularly adopted “commitments,” pledging to exceed quotas or achieve collective goals. However, meeting these promises often proved challenging, and unfulfilled commitments were simply rationalized away. Amid this lax work ethic, some individuals worked diligently and joined the Brigades of Socialist Labor, the highest form of socialist workplace competition. Their motto was “Work socialist, live socialist,” but the actual tasks were often no more than regular work duties.
The Red Flag played a symbolic role as a reward for collective labor efforts. However, even inefficient groups were sometimes awarded the flag, making it more of a ceremonial gesture than a true accolade. The flag ceremonies, followed by festive celebrations, were eagerly anticipated, with festivities often continuing late into the night.
The labor code did not explicitly prohibit workplace celebrations. While drinking alcohol during work hours was technically a violation, occasions such as birthdays, name days, anniversaries, and even the birth of a colleague’s child were widely celebrated. Alcohol was not a scarce commodity; popular drinks included draft beer, spirits like borovička (juniper brandy), rum, vodka, and more refined options like cognac and gin. Mixed drinks, such as Kofola with rum or beer with borovička, were also common.
Refreshments accompanied various types of meetings, from school conferences to regional party assemblies. These gatherings often replaced the freedom of expression from the prewar Czechoslovak Republic. Voting during meetings was unanimous, and the singing of The Song of Labor or The Internationale marked their conclusion.
Membership in mass organizations like the Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH), the Union of Czechoslovak-Soviet Friendship, and the Socialist Youth Union was automatic upon employment. Dues were deducted directly from salaries, and benefits included subsidized recreational trips.
There was no entrepreneurial class under socialism, but some professions thrived in the scarcity economy. Mechanics, butchers, grocers, gas station attendants, taxi drivers, and bartenders had access to rare goods and services. Fresh meat, bananas, well-repaired cars, or building materials were often only available in exchange for bribes. This shadow economy flourished alongside the official one.
Theft of materials from workplaces became widespread, driven by the scarcity of goods in stores. A study from the late 1970s estimated that two-thirds of family homes and cottages were built using stolen materials. By the late 1980s, the unwritten rule became “If you’re not stealing, you’re stealing from your family,” despite severe penalties for misappropriating socialist property. Ironically, large-scale thieves often escaped punishment, while petty thieves faced strict consequences.
The planned economy dictated nearly every aspect of life, but shortages were common. Scarce items included consumer electronics, tropical fruits, fashionable boots, and cars. Buying everyday items like tangerines or toilet paper often required considerable effort and patience. Scarce goods were labeled under-the-counter items, reserved by sales clerks for family or close friends. Western items, such as gum (a symbol of America), bicycles, and clothing, were particularly coveted.
For those seeking Western products, Tuzex stores offered a parallel market where imported goods—cars, electronics, clothing, and food—could be purchased with foreign currency or special vouchers called bony. These vouchers were often obtained on the black market from dealers (veksláci) who traded outside Tuzex shops. The stores carried the “scent of the West,” with items like Swiss chocolate, Wrigley’s gum, Henkel detergents, and Amphora tobacco providing a taste of life beyond the Iron Curtain.
Not everyone could afford Tuzex goods, so most people made do with whatever was available in regular shops. Despite these challenges, shopping for hard-to-find items became a thrilling adventure for many.
Czechoslovak youth often longed for the opportunity to travel abroad, especially to Western countries. Preparing for such a trip required time, patience, and persistence. To travel, one needed a foreign currency promise, which was granted annually until the end of March. While anyone could apply, so-called “unreliable” individuals—those critical of the regime, religious leaders, or believers—were typically denied permission on the grounds that their travel “was not in line with the interests of the state.” Even for those who secured the necessary currency promise and travel permit, obtaining foreign currency required enduring long queues at the bank, with no guarantee of success. Traveling to the coveted West only became possible after surrendering one’s military identification card, obtaining a visa in Prague, and passing a rigorous border check—often with smuggled foreign currency hidden away.
During the summer, long lines of cars headed to socialist-friendly beaches. Popular destinations included the cold waters of the East German or Polish Baltic Sea, Bulgaria’s Black Sea coast, or Hungary’s Lake Balaton. These destinations brought together people from across the socialist bloc, resembling an international socialist community. Families often reunited with emigrant relatives during these trips, and two weeks spent camping guaranteed countless memories.
Among socialism’s travel perks were the so-called “Friendship Trains,” which provided affordable ways to visit multiple Soviet states. These educational tours were also an opportunity for travelers to sell second-hand clothing (e.g., jeans, women’s stockings, or Coca-Cola-branded T-shirts) to locals. With the money earned, travelers would buy items such as hair spray, travel irons, gas lighters, power drills, or small portable TVs like the Soviet-made Smaragd. While Soviet electronics were notorious for their poor quality, they were often illegal copies of Western designs.
For Czechoslovaks, Yugoslavia evoked the allure of the West. Shops there offered items unavailable at home, including licensed records that were prized by youth even more than the beaches or sea. Stores sold branded T-shirts, Adidas gear, stylish clothing, shoes, skis, ski boots, and even gold, which was more affordable there than in Czechoslovakia. Smuggling was common. Hotels sold towels, and private accommodation hosts appreciated gifts like Edam cheese, which was much cheaper in Czechoslovakia. In return, hosts would reduce accommodation prices, serve roasted fish for dinner, or provide a bottle of homemade red wine or rakija.
Despite being perceived as better than Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia was not the true West, as many items were still unavailable. Each year, returning travelers shared news about what was lacking and what could still be profitably traded in Yugoslavia. One year it might be hacksaw blades; another year, lining fabric or inflatable toys.
Poles were ahead of their time in trade. Long before the EU, they embraced free movement of goods within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON). Some Poles, who could prove ownership of foreign currency accounts, were even allowed to travel to capitalist countries. They sourced cheap materials from markets and distributed them across COMECON member states. This trade eventually expanded in reverse, smuggling goods from the East to the West. For instance, Poles could buy a gate closer (Brano zavírá samo) for 80 korunas and sell it abroad for $100, or trade fur coats from Bulgaria.
Czechoslovaks weren’t far behind in this entrepreneurial spirit. Slovaks, for example, often traded with Soviet soldiers, exchanging bottles of homemade plum brandy for full jerry cans of gasoline—sometimes even with the jerry can included. Now that was business!
he organization of sports during socialism reached a high level, supported by various institutions such as physical education units (telovýchovné jednoty), military sports clubs like Dukla, the Zväzarm (Union for Cooperation with the Army), specialized sports classes, and training camps.
One of the brightest stars of Czechoslovak athletics was Jarmila Kratochvílová, who won the 400m race at the 1983 World Championships in Helsinki and the 800m race in Munich the same year. She also helped the Czechoslovak 4x400m relay team secure a silver medal. To this day, she holds the world record in the 800m event.
The career of the Pospíšil brothers from Brno in the unique sport of cycle ball (a combination of cycling and ball-handling skills) is unparalleled in the history of sports. Together, they won 20 world championships, four silver medals, and one bronze. By the time they retired at the top of the sport, Ján was 43 and Jindřich 46 years old. They appeared in the top ten Czechoslovak athletes list 19 times, first in 1965 and last in 1988.
Věra Čáslavská, the most successful gymnast in history, won a total of 11 Olympic medals, including seven golds. Her crowning moment came at the 1968 Olympics in Mexico, where she decisively defeated the Soviet gymnasts and captured the hearts of fans worldwide.
Ice hockey, especially matches against the Soviet Union, was a national obsession. A historic moment came in March 1969 when the Czechoslovak hockey team defeated the Soviet Union twice in one week at the World Championships in Stockholm. These victories were seen as symbolic revenge for the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968. The triumph sparked jubilant street celebrations as the nation rallied around its hockey heroes.
Resistance to the communist regime in Czechoslovakia began as soon as the Communist Party seized power in 1948. Organized groups, intellectuals, students, workers, and farmers joined the opposition. The resistance took many forms, including publishing and distributing anti-communist literature, organizing protests, strikes, and acts of sabotage. The most significant challenge to the regime came during the Prague Spring of 1968, a period of political liberalization that was brutally crushed by Soviet-led Warsaw Pact armies. Despite the repression, resistance persisted in various forms until the fall of communism in 1989, marked by the Velvet Revolution, which ushered in a new era of democracy and freedom.
On January 1, 1977, a manifesto known as Charter 77 was published, calling on the government to respect fundamental human rights and political freedoms. The document was signed by 242 Czechoslovak citizens, including writers, artists, and intellectuals. The authors of Charter 77 criticized the government for violating the constitution and international human rights agreements. They demanded the release of political prisoners and the establishment of an independent judiciary.
The regime responded with repression, including arrests, interrogations, and censorship. Despite these efforts, Charter 77 became a powerful symbol and inspiration for the continued dissident movement across the country.
On March 25, 1988, thousands of people gathered in the streets of Bratislava for the Candle Demonstration. This was the first mass protest since 1969 and demanded greater religious and political freedoms as well as democratic reforms. Organized by an underground network of predominantly Catholic dissidents, the protesters held candles and chanted slogans such as “We want freedom” and “We want democracy.”
The demonstration faced attempts by the authorities to disperse the crowd, but it persisted for hours, marking a turning point in the country’s struggle for democracy.
The Velvet Revolution unfolded between November 17 and December 29, 1989. It was sparked by a series of peaceful protests and demonstrations, inspired by the fall of the Berlin Wall, calling for an end to communist rule and the establishment of a democratic government. The protests culminated in a general strike, which brought the country to a standstill and forced the government to negotiate with the opposition.
On November 24, 1989, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia relinquished its monopoly on power and agreed to hold free elections. By December, a new government was formed, led by opposition leader Václav Havel, marking the end of four decades of communist rule in Czechoslovakia.
The socialist way of life often led to feelings of resignation. Life was far from what people hoped for, and it’s possible even the legendary singer Karel Gott wasn’t singing about his beloved in his song Je jaká je (It Is What It Is). As a response to the frustrations and unanswered questions of the time, the fictional radio station Radio Yerevan (or Armenian Radio, known in Russian as armjanskoje radio) emerged in the 1970s. The name likely reflected the stereotype of Armenians as inventive traders and exceptionally trusting people. Radio Yerevan became immensely popular, using witty humor to help people make sense of the nonsensical.
Time Signal:
“It is 1 PM, or at most 1:30 PM.”
Question:
“Is it true that Americans also have dwarfs?”
Answer:
“In principle, yes, but the Russian ones are much bigger.”
Question:
“Is it true that Czechoslovakia requested help from the Soviet Union?”
Answer:
“Yes, the 1938 request was granted in 1968.”
Question:
“Does the Soviet Union have postal surveillance?”
Answer:
“In principle, no. However, letters with anti-Soviet content are categorically not delivered.”
Question:
“Is it true that Ivan Gustinov was sentenced to five years of forced labor for calling Comrade Brezhnev an idiot? Isn’t that too harsh?”
Answer:
“No. He received six months for the insult; the rest was for revealing a state secret.”
Humor under socialism became a survival tool, but it had to be cleverly packaged—wrapped in subtlety and innuendo so that the authorities wouldn’t understand it, but ordinary citizens would. There was a forbidden thrill to this humor, adding to its charm. It gave people something to resist, but doing so required careful thought and creativity.
Two men are talking in a tram:
The Communist Party and government promised a bright future and a paradise on Earth. However, many people sought to escape from this so-called “paradise.” Illegal border crossings carried severe penalties, often years of imprisonment, yet the number of attempts kept increasing.
In 1970, President Husák declared that “the borders will not become a promenade.” There were two ways to cross the border to the West: legally (through a travel agency) or illegally.
Travel agencies like Čedok and the Youth Travel Agency only allowed vetted individuals to travel to capitalist countries—those deemed likely to return. For those denied exit permits, illegal crossings were the only option. Methods included using forged documents, flying over the Iron Curtain in a hot air balloon or hang glider (one such glider from Slovakia is now on display in Berlin’s Museum of the Iron Curtain, and its owner has returned to live in Slovakia), or swimming underwater across the Danube with scuba gear. Some even tried to break through border barriers using a truck, but these attempts were unsuccessful—what appeared to be a thin barrier often concealed a steel cable.
The foreign press reported on daring escapes, such as those made using hang gliders. The border guards relied not only on physical barriers but also on trained dogs to secure the Iron Curtain. One legendary dog, Brek, in the 1950s, captured over sixty “intruders” at the Czechoslovak-Austrian border. His taxidermied remains are now displayed in the Museum of Border Guards in Prague.